Author(s): | Colander, David |
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Reviewer(s): | Ramrattan, Lall B. |
Published by EH.NET (February 2003)
David Colander, The Lost Art of Economics: Essays on Economics and the
Economics Profession. Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA: Edward Elgar,
2001. x + 203 pp. $80 (hardcover), ISBN: 1-84064-694-2.
Reviewed for EH.NET by Lall B. Ramrattan, Department of Economics, University
of California – Davis.
Although the author of this book expresses an artistic partiality for
economics, his message is to call a spade a spade, namely “not to present
scientific economic arguments for more than what they are” (p. 11). The
methodology of the book is presented in almost syllogistic form on page 10,
built on a functional foundation, and mapped onto the domain of “how economists
actually go about their work, and where they get their directions from.”
Art is defined as “using one’s intuition to gain insight, and imagination in
expressing the insights one has gained through the best means possible.
Purposeful people are naturally artists” (p. 10). As economizing behavior is
purposeful, science will have a limiting role. Within the author’s framework,
science is limited to the role of gaining and storing insights. Standard
science stores insights in efficient mathematical form, and conveys insights to
others. It fails in some areas that do not lend themselves easily to empirical
verifications; particularly, in the areas of complex systems such as economics
and the social sciences.
As a first examination of the author’s theses, we may note, from an ontological
point of view, that economists are not all artistically inclined. Economists
are inclined to take a position anywhere between belief and science. The
Austrian school, for instance, are “Human Action” or “praxeologically”
inclined, a methodology Friedman set about to attack with his brand of positive
economics. A second problem from a common sense or pragmatic position is that
knowledge may be a limiting case of belief: what we believe in we can come to
know. However, superiority over our ancestors in science and culture does not
guarantee us being more artistic. A third problem is that from a research or
epistemological point of view, science may create art. For example, a recent
CBS 60 minutes report showed that the invention of the mirror is largely
responsible for the enhancement of art. A fourth problem from a mystical point
of view is that art might be an experience good for the economist, with no
guarantee that the intuition necessary for better economic policies will
develop. Because the author’s position is not clear from the definition he
offers of art, we shall try to further understand it from a more logical
viewpoint.
A distinguishing feature of Colander’s methodological position is his implicit
insistence that normative and positive are contrary rather than contradictory
terms. According to P. F. Strawson, when one can add an inconsistent statement
(art) to two statements that are inconsistent with each other (normative and
positive), then the statements are contrary (Strawson, 1952, 16). Colander’s
system is analogous to the analysis of day and night but not without twilight,
and appears to be the way its framer, J.N. Keynes, laid out its initial
architecture for Political Economy. He is clear about the position of art as
“establishing a buffer between positive economics and normative judgments” (p.
60).
Colander argues for keeping the three-part system of Keynes, but for adjusting
it towards a more realistic balance favoring art. Metaphorically speaking, if
the three party system can be laid out on the three corners of the Jacob
Marschak preference triangle as modified by Machina (1987), then the way modern
economists have unfolded their methodological preferences has resulted in the
collapse of the side that represents art. However, it is not clear whether such
a situation represents a degeneration of the Keynesian methodology, which the
author seeks to make more progressive. One must not forget that the father of
positivism, Auguste Comte, thought of progress in a positive sense as a
movement from childhood to manhood, from religion through metaphysics to
science, and that Friedman might just be following that hunch. In terms of the
metaphor, the three vertices can degenerate, and the suppression of the third
vertex, representing art, can attempt to make the Keynesian program
progressive.
Another approach to understanding Colander’s methodology is to contrast it with
others. The author makes important contrasts with the methodology of Thomas
Mayer (pp. 51-53). We are told that Mayer emphasizes, “empirical science
economics,” while the author emphasizes “applied policy economics.” Mayer
laments “the notion of an intellectual hierarchy with formal theory on top”
(Mayer, p. ix), while the author “sees such abstract work as necessary to
refine theoretical insights” (p. 52). Mayer’s approach is akin to “fingertip
economics,” embedded in a “single semi-formal methodology” in which the art and
positive economics are intertwined, whereas Colander’s methodology drives a
wedge, creating a separating plane between art and positive economics. But like
practitioners of the same paradigm, the two views are dominated with more
agreements over disagreement.
It is tempting to contrast the text with the paradigmatic and research program
methodologies of Kuhn and Lakatos, respectively. Briefly, art as used by the
author in the tripartite system has often been taken as equivalent to the words
“practical,” “precepts,” or “instrumental” (Machlup, pp. 489, 506). If those
words can be used interchangeably, then it would be incorrect to state that the
use of instrumentalism is absent in modern policy economics. Policy models,
such as advocated by Tinbergen and others will embody the tripartite
distinction with significant weight given to each. This point can be further
elucidated with a few ninth-grade algebraic terminologies. Consider these two
system equations:
Target = d I + eE +f S (1) Trend = a I + bE + c S (2)
where I, E, and S are instruments to achieve a target return, and some trend.
Given appropriate values for the parameters, we can state that national trends
should be arrested by about x-percent to attain over the long-term a target
y-percent growth. From the art point of view, the two equations with three
instruments (I, E, and S) are overdetermined. For joint policy effects, we can
take one variable as given. But that still would not help. Assuming we take the
effects of S as fixed, then another problem surfaces, viz., db – ea = 0, since
the coefficients for I and E in the two policy equations are collinear, using
the coefficients from our model. Similar problems arise if I or E, instead of
S, is fixed. Therefore, no simultaneous policy effects in line with the two
equations are allowed.
The use of the term “instrumental” instead of “art” may not warrant the severe
charges the author has leveled against Friedman. Friedman would legislate rules
to act as instruments in the case of regulating the money supply, an area in
which he is more influential than scientific. In other cases, he would use
trivial instrumental examples such as the dumping of money in a community by a
helicopter (Friedman, 1969, p. 4). Colander should take into account that
Friedman was standing on the shoulder of giants such as David Hume. In a recent
good text on methodology, Kevin Hoover reminded us of such a foundation set by
the many Humean statements such as “Were all the gold in ENGLAND annihilated at
once,” or if “every man in GREAT BRITAIN should have five pounds slipt into his
pocket in one night,” or suppose that “four-fifths of all the money in GREAT
BRITAIN to be annihilated in one night”(Hume, 1974, pp. 296-311 cited in Hoover
2001, p. 5). In the hard sciences, such experiments were maintained and
popularized in science by Albert Einstein himself under the name
Gedankenexperiment. We should also state that Friedman is very abstract
and scientific as can be his work on the permanent income hypothesis.
Therefore, it is difficult to appreciate Colander’s point of view that
“Friedman’s methodology involves … a lack of interest in doing abstract
theory” (p. 34).
The five axioms Colander offers are in a budding state. They are not parallel
to the axioms of Savage or Von Neumann. In the author’s own words, they are
“methodological rules” not intended to be “binding constraints.” It is up to
the methodologists whether to nip these rules in the bud, or nurture them for a
while. J.M. Keynes gave us a tri-part system that is still alive and well
today. Colander’s restatement of them is likely to contribute to their
progressive lives. This book is a must reading for serious students of economic
thought.
References:
Hume, David, Essays: Moral, Political, and Literary, edited by Eugene F.
Miller (Indianapolis: Liberty Classics, 1954, edited 1985).
Friedman, Milton, The Optimum Quantity of Money and Other Essays
(Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1969).
Hoover, Kevin D., Causality in Macroeconomics (New York: Cambridge
University Press, 2001)
Machina, Mark, J., “Choice under Uncertainty: Problems Solved and Unsolved,”
Journal of Economic Perspectives, Vol. 1, No. 1, Summer 1987, 121-154.
Machlup, Fritz, Methodology of Economics and Other Social Sciences (New
York: Academic Press, 1978)
Mayer, Thomas, Truth versus Precision in Economics (Northampton, MA:
Edward Elgar, 1993)
Strawson, P. F., Introduction to Logical Theory (London: Methuen, & Co.,
1952).
Lall Ramrattan is the co-author of “The European Monetary Union vs. U.S.A.,
Cooperation and Competition: An Examination of Welfare Benefits,” (with Michael
Szenberg and Cathyann Tully) in J. Jay Choi and Jeff Wrase, editors,
European Monetary Union and Capital Markets, Volume 2 of the
International Finance Review (Holland: Elsevier: JAI Press, 2001). He
has published in many fields of economics in a variety of journals. He is a
lecturer at the Department of Economics at UC-Davis.
Subject(s): | History of Economic Thought; Methodology |
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Geographic Area(s): | General, International, or Comparative |
Time Period(s): | 20th Century: WWII and post-WWII |