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Eltis on Menard, _Sweet Negotiations: Sugar, Slavery, and Plantation Agriculture in Early Barbados_

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Fri Nov 10 06:37:17 EST 2006

Published by EH.NET (November 2006)  
  
Russell R. Menard, _Sweet Negotiations: Sugar, Slavery, and   
Plantation Agriculture in Early Barbados_. Charlottesville, VA:   
University of Virginia Press, 2006. xiv + 181 pp. $39.50 (cloth),   
ISBN: 0-8139-2540-1.  
  
Reviewed for EH.NET by David Eltis, Department of History, Emory University.  
  
  
A number of benchmark issues in the history of slavery in the   
Atlantic World attract the more or less continuous attention of   
scholars and provide a quick way of assessing shifts in the   
interpretative eddies of the larger historiography. The relationship   
between slavery and economic efficiency is one, the racial   
exclusiveness of chattel slavery in the Americas is another, and the   
origin of sugar cultivation in the Caribbean is a third. This short   
book, while certainly concerned with the single island of Barbados,   
is about all three of these broad issues. Brazil, of course, had sent   
slave-grown sugar to Europe for the better part of a century before   
the sugar complex reached the eastern Caribbean, but the Portuguese   
system could at first not keep pace with the new sugar areas. In   
other words, plantation slavery was scarcely novel in the 1640s, but   
its North American variant apparently differed from what had gone   
before, at least initially.  
  
A new monograph on early Barbados has appeared every decade or so   
since the 1960s as though to punctuate the ongoing discussions of   
these issues in the periodical literature. _Sweet Negotiations_ is   
the shortest of the series, but also the best to date. In the first   
three chapters Menard tracks the origins of the Caribbean sugar   
complex via a careful exploration of Barbados' Recopied Deed Books   
which allow him to show the emergence of large estates as well as   
throw light on the switch to slave labor (because estates were often   
sold together with servants and livestock). He argues against the   
idea of a "sugar revolution" because plantation agriculture and   
slavery were well established on the island of Barbados before sugar   
became the dominant crop. Tobacco and cotton had already generated   
the basic elements of a plantation complex, and had cleared the way   
(literally given the dense indigenous flora of the island) for sugar   
cane's subsequent takeover. Large numbers of slaves were already   
arriving on the island to work on tobacco and cotton in the early   
1640s. Far from sugar saving the island from impoverishment, the   
prosperity generated by these earlier staples made it possible for   
planters to embrace sugar more quickly. Thus, Menard prefers the term   
"sugar boom" to "sugar revolution." The deed books also allow Menard   
to argue that the capital to finance the boom was English, not Dutch.   
There is no evidence of Dutch involvement with plantations, but   
abundant signs of links with London families and capital. This nicely   
complements the finding of Wim Klooster (_Illicit Riches: Dutch Trade   
in the Caribbean, 1648-1795_ (Leiden, 1998)) that Dutch merchants in   
the Caribbean advanced a lot of credit to French planters and very   
little to the English.  
  
Menard then describes technological change, broadly defined, in the   
century or so after the establishment of sugar in a single chapter.   
There was no such thing as decline in Barbados because planters   
maintained their innovative approach and produced better sugar and   
sugar by-products in response to competition and changes in European   
markets. In a penultimate chapter Menard returns to the question of   
what was new about the system. He singles out four institutions as   
accounting for the sugar complex following a different path in   
Barbados (and by implication the Caribbean). These are first, the   
integrated plantation -- or the concentration of the growing and the   
processing of the cane in the hands of one owner; second, the   
gang-labor system; third, the provision ground system; and fourth,   
the commission system which allowed planters to sell their own sugar   
in Europe. In a final chapter Menard examines the links between   
Barbados and the wider world, and argues that what happened on the   
island had a large impact on the Americas as a whole. In effect, the   
system that developed in Barbados, including an "ideology of   
whiteness," spread because Barbados became a "cultural hearth" for   
the English Americas. Throughout, Menard's arguments are rooted in   
careful scholarship, much of it necessarily quantitative, but the   
discussion is lively, and historical actors are constantly given   
their voice. In short, it is a very good read.  
  
Which is not to say that all Menard's positions are completely   
defensible. The origins of the gang-labor system and the provision   
ground system (two of the four features that made Barbados different   
according to the author) are obscure and, as Menard himself concedes,   
are perhaps eighteenth rather than seventeenth century innovations.   
Also the attack on the idea of a sugar revolution seems unnecessary   
in that its advocates would have no difficulty in incorporating   
Menard's new evidence into their position. Finally, Menard's argument   
on the existence of large cotton and tobacco plantations prior to   
sugar's appearance is somewhat stronger than the argument that   
extensive slavery predated sugar's arrival. Indeed, his discussion of   
the size of the very early slave population might mislead readers   
into thinking that evidence of the early slave trade is stronger than   
it really is. Attempts to compensate for lack of documentation about   
immigration tend to use demographic data to derive estimates of   
arrivals, but for Barbados such an approach founders on the fact that   
population counts and information on vital rates scarcely exist   
before the 1670s. But these are minor problems in what is a   
first-rate scholarly work.  
  
  
David Eltis is Professor of History, Emory University, and is author   
of _The Rise of African Slavery in the Americas_ (Cambridge   
University Press, 2000).  
  
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